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Teen girls also spend more time than boys on grooming activities, such as bathing, getting dressed, getting haircuts, and other activities related to their hygiene and appearance. Girls spend an average of about an hour a day on these types of tasks (1 hour, 3 minutes); boys spend 40 minutes on them.
When it comes to the amount of time spent on housework, the differences between boys and girls reflect gender dynamics that are also evident among adults. Teenage girls spend 38 minutes a day, on average, helping around the house during the school year, compared with 24 minutes a day for boys. The bulk of this gap is driven by the fact that girls spend more than twice as much time cleaning up and preparing food as boys do (29 minutes vs. 12 minutes). There are not significant differences in the amount of time boys and girls spend on home maintenance and lawn care.
In addition to these differences in how they spend their time, the way boys and girls feel about their day also differs in some key ways. A new survey by Pew Research Center of teens ages 13 to 17 finds that 36% of girls say they feel tense or nervous about their day every or almost every day; 23% of boys say the same. At the same time, girls are more likely than boys to say they get excited daily or almost daily by something they study in school (33% vs. 21%). And while similar shares of boys and girls say they feel a lot of pressure to get good grades, be involved in extracurricular activities or fit in socially, girls are more likely than boys to say they face a lot of pressure to look good (35% vs. 23%).
Both boys and girls have breast tissue. Normal breast development first appears shortly after birth, and then again at the beginning of puberty. The timing of breast development varies greatly from one person to another and in some girls may not occur until well into the teenage years.
Baby girls and boys will have a small breast bud that can be felt for a few weeks after they are born. These buds of tissue will become the breast tissue in the adult. In early infancy, they can be prominent because of the effects of the mother's estrogen. As the estrogen levels decrease, so does the prominence.
Occasional "accidents" are common among children who are toilet trained. Around 20% of children have some problems with bedwetting at age 5, and up to 10% still do at age 7. By the late teens, the estimated rate of bedwetting is between 1% and 3% of children. Nocturnal enuresis is 2 to 3 times more common in boys than girls.
Even though teenage boys consume more pornography and think about it more often, a new study that interviewed 800 Swedish 16-year-olds discovered that teen boys and girls fantasize about the same things. Not only that, but teenage girls are more interested in pornography than conventional thinking leads us to believe.
This study explored the extent to which sexting represents a problematic behavior in early and late adolescence. Using data from the EU Kids Online II project (17,016 participants aged 11-16 from 25 European countries, 49.7% boys), multilevel logistic regression analyses were conducted separately for four groups: younger girls, older girls, younger boys, and older boys. Irrespective of age and gender, sexting was associated with emotional problems and alcohol use. Its effect decreased in older adolescents, except for emotional difficulties, which remained relatively high in older boys. Vaginal sex was associated with sexting in both younger and older boys while, in girls, the association was observed only in the older group. Younger boys with higher self-efficacy were more likely to send sexts than those with lower self-efficacy. Although sexting is associated with psychological challenges and other types of risk behavior, sexting in some younger boys may not necessarily represent problematic behavior.
The study was released Monday in the November issue of Pediatrics. It involved 2,003 12- to 17-year-old girls and boys nationwide questioned by telephone about their TV viewing habits in 2001. Teens were re-interviewed twice, the last time in 2004, and asked about pregnancy. Among girls, 58 became pregnant during the follow-up, and among boys, 33 said they had gotten a girl pregnant.
Most boys grow taller in height during the stage of puberty known as the growth spurt. This usually happens during the later stages of puberty after other physical changes have started, such as changes in the size of the genitals, body hair growth and voice changes. Boys may notice that girls in their class are taller than them and this is because it is normal for girls to start their growth spurt earlier than boys. By the time boys reach high school, they are often times taller than most girls by the end of puberty.
A teenage girl automatically wants to wear provocative clothes, date sleazy guys, do poorly in school, argue with her mother, and give her father a reason to be a Boyfriend-Blocking Dad. If she doesn't do anything like that, she still secretly wants to. There's likely to be a secondary character who averts this by being a tomboy or otherwise ostensibly uninterested in "girly" things, but even most of them secretly drool over guys, because in writer-land there's no such thing as a girl who isn't obsessed with boys (or occasionally other girls). If she's not interested in fashion at the start, she usually gets a makeover (unnecessary or otherwise) and subsequently winds up dating the male lead.
A girl is seldom allowed to be realistically uncomfortable with her changing body, or want to maybe stay a child a little longer. In Real Life, many young teenage girls have trouble adjusting to their changing bodies and the resultant shift in attention they receive, do not look forward to having a period, and/or are simply disinterested in dating until they reach their later adolescence. In fiction, a late bloomer is almost universally used only if she's going to become interested in boys and clothes, with the implication that there's something wrong with any girl who doesn't, or that a girl is 'incomplete' without a boy.
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N2 - This article explores gender inequities and sexual double standards in teens' digital image exchange, drawing on a UK qualitative research project on youth 'sexting'. We develop a critique of 'postfeminist' media cultures, suggesting teen 'sexting' presents specific age and gender related contradictions: teen girls are called upon to produce particular forms of 'sexy' self display, yet face legal repercussions, moral condemnation and 'slut shaming' when they do so. We examine the production/circulation of gendered value and sexual morality via teens' discussions of activities on Facebook and Blackberry. For instance, some boys accumulated 'ratings' by possessing and exchanging images of girls' breasts, which operated as a form of currency and value. Girls, in contrast, largely discussed the taking, sharing or posting of such images as risky, potentially inciting blame and shame around sexual reputation (e.g. being called 'slut', 'slag' or 'sket'). The daily negotiations of these new digitally mediated, heterosexualised, classed and raced norms of performing teen feminine and masculine desirability are considered.
AB - This article explores gender inequities and sexual double standards in teens' digital image exchange, drawing on a UK qualitative research project on youth 'sexting'. We develop a critique of 'postfeminist' media cultures, suggesting teen 'sexting' presents specific age and gender related contradictions: teen girls are called upon to produce particular forms of 'sexy' self display, yet face legal repercussions, moral condemnation and 'slut shaming' when they do so. We examine the production/circulation of gendered value and sexual morality via teens' discussions of activities on Facebook and Blackberry. For instance, some boys accumulated 'ratings' by possessing and exchanging images of girls' breasts, which operated as a form of currency and value. Girls, in contrast, largely discussed the taking, sharing or posting of such images as risky, potentially inciting blame and shame around sexual reputation (e.g. being called 'slut', 'slag' or 'sket'). The daily negotiations of these new digitally mediated, heterosexualised, classed and raced norms of performing teen feminine and masculine desirability are considered.
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